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OK. Here is the darn report already. I haven't read it. What do you make of it?

1
Regime Strategic
Intent
Key Findings
Saddam Husayn so dominated the Iraqi Regime that its strategic intent was his alone. He wanted to end
sanctions while preserving the capability to reconstitute his weapons of mass destruction (WMD) when
sanctions were lifted.
¥ Saddam totally dominated the RegimeÕs strategic decision making. He initiated most of the strategic
thinking upon which decisions were made, whether in matters of war and peace (such as invading Kuwait),
maintaining WMD as a national strategic goal, or on how Iraq was to position itself in the international community.
Loyal dissent was discouraged and constructive variations to the implementation of his wishes on
strategic issues were rare. Saddam was the Regime in a strategic sense and his intent became IraqÕs strategic
policy.
¥ SaddamÕs primary goal from 1991 to 2003 was to have UN sanctions lifted, while maintaining the security
of the Regime. He sought to balance the need to cooperate with UN inspectionsÑto gain support for lifting
sanctionsÑwith his intention to preserve IraqÕs intellectual capital for WMD with a minimum of foreign
intrusiveness and loss of face. Indeed, this remained the goal to the end of the Regime, as the starting of any
WMD program, conspicuous or otherwise, risked undoing the progress achieved in eroding sanctions and
jeopardizing a political end to the embargo and international monitoring.
¥ The introduction of the Oil-For-Food program (OFF) in late 1996 was a key turning point for the Regime.
OFF rescued BaghdadÕs economy from a terminal decline created by sanctions. The Regime quickly came
to see that OFF could be corrupted to acquire foreign exchange both to further undermine sanctions and to
provide the means to enhance dual-use infrastructure and potential WMD-related development.
¥ By 2000-2001, Saddam had managed to mitigate many of the effects of sanctions and undermine their
international support. Iraq was within striking distance of a de facto end to the sanctions regime, both in
terms of oil exports and the trade embargo, by the end of 1999.
Saddam wanted to recreate IraqÕs WMD capabilityÑwhich was essentially destroyed in 1991Ñafter sanctions
were removed and IraqÕs economy stabilized, but probably with a different mix of capabilities to that
which previously existed. Saddam aspired to develop a nuclear capabilityÑin an incremental fashion,
irrespective of international pressure and the resulting economic risksÑbut he intended to focus on ballistic
missile and tactical chemical warfare (CW) capabilities.
¥ Iran was the pre-eminent motivator of this policy. All senior level Iraqi offi cials considered Iran to be IraqÕs
principal enemy in the region. The wish to balance Israel and acquire status and infl uence in the Arab world
were also considerations, but secondary.
¥ Iraq Survey Group (ISG) judges that events in the 1980s and early 1990s shaped SaddamÕs belief in the
value of WMD. In SaddamÕs view, WMD helped to save the Regime multiple times. He believed that during
the Iran-Iraq war chemical weapons had halted Iranian ground offensives and that ballistic missile attacks
on Tehran had broken its political will. Similarly, during Desert Storm, Saddam believed WMD had deterred
Coalition Forces from pressing their attack beyond the goal of freeing Kuwait. WMD had even played a role
in crushing the ShiÕa revolt in the south following the 1991 cease-fi re.
¥ The former Regime had no formal written strategy or plan for the revival of WMD after sanctions. Neither
was there an identifi able group of WMD policy makers or planners separate from Saddam. Instead, his lieutenants
understood WMD revival was his goal from their long association with Saddam and his infrequent,
but fi rm, verbal comments and directions to them.
Regime Strategic Intent

2
Note on Methodological Approach
Interviews with former Regime offi cials who were active in IraqÕs governing, economic, security, and intelligence
structures were critical to ISGÕs assessment of the former RegimeÕs WMD strategy. While some
detaineesÕ statements were made to minimize their involvement or culpability leading to potential prosecution,
in some cases those who were interviewed spoke relatively candidly and at length about the RegimeÕs strategic
intent.
¥ ISG analystsÑbecause of unprecedented access to detaineesÑundertook interviews of national policy
makers, the leadership of the intelligence and security services, and QusayÕs inner circle, as well as concentrated
debriefs of core Regime leaders in custody, to identify cross-Regime issues and perceptions.
¥ As part of the effort aimed at the core leadership, analysts also gave detainees ÒhomeworkÓ to give them
more opportunity to discuss in writing various aspects of former Regime strategy. Many of these responses
were lengthy and detailed. Secretary of the President, ÔAbd Hamid Al Khatab Al Nasiri, Deputy Prime
Minister Tariq ÔAziz ÔAysa, and Minister of Military Industry ÔAbd-al-Tawab ÔAbdallah Al Mullah Huwaysh
answered questions in writing several times, providing information on both the former Regime and the mindset
of those who ran it.
¥ SaddamÕs debriefer was fully aware of ISGÕs information needs and developed a strategy to elicit candid
answers and insights into SaddamÕs personality and role in strategy-related issues. Remarks from the
debriefer are included.
¥ Analysts also used working groups to study themes and trendsÑsuch as intelligence and security service
activity, weaponization, dual-use/break-out capabilities and timeline analysisÑthat cut across ISGÕs functional
teams, as well as to pool efforts to debrief members of the core leadership.
Analysts used subsource development and document exploitation to crosscheck detainee testimony, leverage
detainees in debriefs, and to fi ll gaps in information. For example, analysts interviewing Huwaysh gained
insights into his personality from subsources, while translated technical and procurement-related documents
were critical to verifying the accuracy of his testimony. Likewise, we confronted Vice President Taha Yasin
Ramadan Al Jizrawi with a captured document indicating his major role in allocating oil contracts and he
divulged details on corruption stemming from the UNÕs OFF program.
Nonetheless, the interview process had several shortcomings. Detainees were very concerned about their fate
and therefore would not be willing to implicate themselves in sensitive matters of interest such as WMD, in
light of looming prosecutions. Debriefers noted the use of passive interrogation resistance techniques collectively
by a large number of detainees to avoid their involvement or knowledge of sensitive issues; place blame
or knowledge with individuals who were not in a position to contradict the detaineeÕs statements, such as
deceased individuals or individuals who were not in custody or who had fl ed the country; and provide debriefers
with previously known information. However, the reader should keep in mind the Arab proverb: ÒEven a
liar tells many truths.Ó
Some former Regime offi cials, such as ÔAli Hasan Al Majid Al Tikriti (Chemical ÔAli), never gave substantial
information, despite speaking colorfully and at length. He never discussed actions, which would implicate him
in a crime. Moreover, for some aspects of the RegimeÕs WMD strategy, like the role of the Military Industrialization
Commission (MIC), analysts could only speak with a few senior-level offi cials, which limited ISGÕs
assessment to the perspectives of these individuals.

3
Regime Strategic
Intent
Former Iraqi Regime Offi cials Varied in Their Level of Cooperation
The quality of cooperation and assistance provided to ISG by former senior Iraqi Regime offi cials in custody
varied widely. Some obstructed all attempts to elicit information on WMD and illicit activities of the former
Regime. Others, however, were keen to help clarify every issue, sometimes to the point of self-incrimination.
The two extremes of cooperation are epitomized by ÔAli Hasan Al MajidÑa key Presidential Adviser and RCC
memberÑand Sabir ÔAbd-al-Aziz Husayn Al Duri, a former Lieutenant General who served in both the Directorate
of General Military Intelligence and the Iraqi Intelligence Service. ÔAli Hasan Al Majid was loquacious
on many subjects, but remained adamant in denying any involvement in the use of CW in attacks on the Kurds
and dissembling in any discussion of the subject. His circumlocution extends to most other sensitive subjects of
Regime behavior. By contrast, Sabir has been forthcoming to the point of direct association with a wide range
of Iraqi activities, including the management of Kuwaiti prisoners, the organization of assassinations abroad
by the former Iraqi Intelligence Service (IIS), and the torture of political prisoners.


1
Regime Finance
and Procurement
Key Findings
Throughout the 1990s and up to OIF (March 2003), Saddam focused on one set of objectives: the survival of
himself, his Regime, and his legacy. To secure those objectives, Saddam needed to exploit Iraqi oil assets, to
portray a strong military capability to deter internal and external threats, and to foster his image as an Arab
leader. Saddam recognized that the reconstitution of Iraqi WMD enhanced both his security and image. Consequently,
Saddam needed to end UN-imposed sanctions to fulfi ll his goals.
Saddam severely under estimated the economic and military costs of invading Iran in 1980 and Kuwait in
1990, as well as underestimating the subsequent international condemnation of his invasion of Kuwait. He did
not anticipate this condemnation, nor the subsequent imposition, comprehensiveness, severity, and longevity
of UN sanctions. His initial belief that UN sanctions would not last, resulting in his countryÕs economic
decline, changed by 1998 when the UNSC did not lift sanctions after he believed resolutions were fulfi lled.
Although Saddam had reluctantly accepted the UNÕs Oil for Food (OFF) program by 1996, he soon recognized
its economic value and additional opportunities for further manipulation and infl uence of the UNSC Iraq
661 Sanctions Committee member states. Therefore, he resigned himself to the continuation of UN sanctions
understanding that they would become a Òpaper tigerÓ regardless of continued US resolve to maintain them.
Throughout sanctions, Saddam continually directed his advisors to formulate and implement strategies, policies,
and methods to terminate the UNÕs sanctions regime established by UNSCR 661. The Regime devised an
effective diplomatic and economic strategy of generating revenue and procuring illicit goods utilizing the Iraqi
intelligence, banking, industrial, and military apparatus that eroded United NationsÕ member states and other
international playersÕ resolve to enforce compliance, while capitalizing politically on its humanitarian crisis.
¥ From SaddamÕs perspective, UN sanctions hindered his ability to rule Iraq with complete authority and
autonomy. In the long run, UN sanctions also interfered with his efforts to establish a historic legacy.
According to Saddam and his senior advisors, the UN, at the behest of the US, placed an economic
strangle hold on Iraq. The UN controlled SaddamÕs main source of revenue (oil exports) and determined
what Iraq could import.
¥ UN sanctions curbed SaddamÕs ability to import weapons, technology, and expertise into Iraq. Sanctions also
limited his ability to fi nance his military, intelligence, and security forces to deal with his perceived and real
external threats.
¥ In short, Saddam considered UN sanctions as a form of economic war and the UNÕs OFF program and
Northern and Southern Watch Operations as campaigns of that larger economic war orchestrated by the US
and UK. His evolving strategy centered on breaking free of UN sanctions in order to liberate his economy
from the economic strangle-hold so he could continue to pursue his political and personal objectives.
One aspect of SaddamÕs strategy of unhinging the UNÕs sanctions against Iraq, centered on SaddamÕs efforts
to infl uence certain UN SC permanent members, such as Russia, France, and China and some nonpermanent
(Syria, Ukraine) members to end UN sanctions. Under SaddamÕs orders, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
(MFA) formulated and implemented a strategy aimed at these UNSC members and international public
opinion with the purpose of ending UN sanctions and undermining its subsequent OFF program by diplomatic
and economic means. At a minimum, Saddam wanted to divide the fi ve permanent members and foment
international public support of Iraq at the UN and throughout the world by a savvy public relations campaign
and an extensive diplomatic effort.
Another element of this strategy involved circumventing UN sanctions and the OFF program by means of
ÒProtocolsÓ or government-to-government economic trade agreements. Protocols allowed Saddam to generate
a large amount of revenue outside the purview of the UN. The successful implementation of the Protocols,
continued oil smuggling efforts, and the manipulation of UN OFF contracts emboldened Saddam to pursue his
military reconstitution efforts starting in 1997 and peaking in 2001. These efforts covered conventional arms,
dual-use goods acquisition, and some WMD-related programs.
Regime Finance
and Procurement

2
¥ Once money began to fl ow into Iraq, the RegimeÕs authorities, aided by foreign companies and some foreign
governments, devised and implemented methods and techniques to procure illicit goods from foreign suppliers.
¥ To implement its procurement efforts, Iraq under Saddam, created a network of Iraqi front companies, some
with close relationships to high-ranking foreign government offi cials. These foreign government offi cials, in
turn, worked through their respective ministries, state-run companies and ministry-sponsored front companies,
to procure illicit goods, services, and technologies for IraqÕs WMD-related, conventional arms, and/or
dual-use goods programs.
¥ The Regime fi nanced these government-sanctioned programs by several illicit revenue streams that
amassed more that $11 billion from the early 1990s to OIF outside the UN-approved methods. The most
profi table stream concerned Protocols or government-to-government agreements that generated over $7.5
billion for Saddam. Iraq earned an additional $2 billion from kickbacks or surcharges associated with the
UNÕs OFF program; $990 million from oil Òcash salesÓ or smuggling; and another $230 million from other
surcharge impositions.
Analysis of Iraqi Financial Data
The Iraqi revenue analysis presented in this report is based on government documents and fi nancial databases,
spreadsheets, and other records obtained from SOMO, the Iraqi Ministry of Oil, and the Central Bank of Iraq
(CBI), and other Ministries. These sources appear to be of good quality and consistent with other pre- and
post-Operation Iraqi Freedom information. All Iraqi revenue data and derived fi gures in this report have been
calculated in current dollars.
Saddam directed the RegimeÕs key ministries and governmental agencies to devise and implement strategies,
policies, and techniques to discredit the UN sanctions, harass UN personnel in Iraq, and discredit the US. At
the same time, according to reporting, he also wanted to obfuscate IraqÕs refusal to reveal the nature of its
WMD and WMD-related programs, their capabilities, and his intentions.
¥ Saddam used the IIS to undertake the most sensitive procurement missions. Consequently, the IIS facilitated
the import of UN sanctioned and dual-use goods into Iraq through countries like Syria, Jordan,
Belarus and Turkey.
¥ The IIS had representatives in most of IraqÕs embassies in these foreign countries using a variety of offi cial
covers. One type of cover was the Òcommercial attachesÓ that were sent to make contacts with foreign businesses.
The attaches set up front companies, facilitated the banking process and transfers of funds as determined,
and approved by the senior offi cials within the Government.
¥ The MFA played a critical role in facilitating IraqÕs procurement of military goods, dual-use goods pertaining
to WMD, transporting cash and other valuable goods earned by illicit oil revenue, and forming and
implementing a diplomatic strategy to end UN sanctions and the subsequent UN OFF program by nefarious
means.
¥ Saddam used the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientifi c Research (MHESR) through its universities
and research programs to maintain, develop, and acquire expertise, to advance or preserve existent research
projects and developments, and to procure goods prohibited by UN SC sanctions.
¥ The Ministry of Oil (MoO) controlled the oil voucher distribution program that used oil to infl uence UN
members to support IraqÕs goals. Saddam personally approved and removed all names of voucher recipi

3
Regime Finance
and Procurement
ents. He made all modifi cations to the list, adding or deleting names at will. Other senior Iraqi leaders
could nominate or recommend an individual or organization to be added or subtracted from the voucher list,
and ad hoc allocation committees met to review and update the allocations.
Iraq under Saddam successfully devised various methods to acquire and import items prohibited under UN
sanctions. Numerous Iraqi and foreign trade intermediaries disguised illicit items, hid the identity of the end
user, and/or changed the fi nal destination of the commodity to get it to the region. For a cut of the profi ts,
these trade intermediaries moved, and in many cases smuggled, the prohibited items through land, sea, and air
entry points along the Iraqi border.
By mid-2000 the exponential growth of IraqÕs illicit revenue, increased international sympathy for IraqÕs
humanitarian plight, and increased complicity by IraqiÕs neighbors led elements within SaddamÕs Regime to
boast that the UN sanctions were slowly eroding. In July 2000, the ruling Iraqi BaÕathist paper, Al-Thawrah,
claimed victory over UN sanctions, stating that Iraq was accelerating its pace to develop its national economy
despite the UN Òblockade.Ó In August 2001, Iraqi Foreign Minister Sabri stated in an Al-Jazirah TV interview
that UN sanctions efforts had collapsed at the same time Baghdad had been making steady progress on its economic,
military, Arab relations, and international affairs.
¥ Companies in Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, UAE, and Yemen assisted Saddam with the acquisition of prohibited
items through deceptive trade practices. In the case of Syria and Yemen, this included support from
agencies or personnel within the government itself.
¥ Numerous ministries in SaddamÕs Regime facilitated the smuggling of illicit goods through IraqÕs borders,
ports, and airports. The Iraqi Intelligence Service (IIS) and the Military Industiralization Commission (MIC),
however, were directly responsible for skirting UN monitoring and importing prohibited items for Saddam.


1
Delivery Systems
Key Findings
Since the early 1970s, Iraq has consistently sought to acquire an effective long-range weapons delivery
capability, and by 1991 Baghdad had purchased the missiles and infrastructure that would form the basis
for nearly all of its future missile system developments. The Soviet Union was a key supplier of missile hardware
and provided 819 Scud-B missiles and ground support equipment.
IraqÕs experiences with long-range delivery systems in the Iran/Iraq war were a vital lesson to Iraqi President
Saddam Husayn. The successful Iraqi response to the Iranian long-range bombardment of Baghdad, leading
to the War of the Cities, probably saved Saddam.
By 1991, Iraq had successfully demonstrated its ability to modify some of its delivery systems to increase
their range and to develop WMD dissemination options, with the Al Husayn being a fi rst step in this direction.
The next few years of learning and experiments confi rmed that the RegimeÕs goal was for an effective
long-range WMD delivery capability and demonstrated the resourcefulness of IraqÕs scientists and technicians.
Iraq failed in its efforts to acquire longer-range delivery systems to replace inventory exhausted in the
Iran/Iraq war. This was a forcing function that drove Iraq to develop indigenous delivery system production
capabilities.
Desert Storm and subsequent UN resolutions and inspections brought many of IraqÕs delivery system
programs to a halt. While much of IraqÕs long-range missile inventory and production infrastructure was
eliminated, Iraq until late 1991 kept some items hidden to assist future reconstitution of the force. This decision
and IraqÕs intransigence during years of inspection left many UN questions unresolved.
¥ Coalition airstrikes effectively targeted much of IraqÕs delivery systems infrastructure, and UN inspections
dramatically impeded further developments of long-range ballistic missiles.
¥ It appears to have taken time, but Iraq eventually realized that sanctions were not going to end quickly.
This forced Iraq to sacrifi ce its long-range delivery force in an attempt to bring about a quick end to the sanctions.
¥ After the fl ight of Husayn Kamil in 1995, Iraq admitted that it had hidden Scud-variant missiles and components
to aid future reconstitution but asserted that these items had been unilaterally destroyed by late 1991.
The UN could not verify these claims and thereafter became more wary of IraqÕs admissions and instituted a
Regime of more intrusive inspections.
¥ The Iraq Survey Group (ISG) has uncovered no evidence Iraq retained Scud-variant missiles, and debriefings
of Iraqi offi cials in addition to some documentation suggest that Iraq did not retain such missiles
after 1991.
While other WMD programs were strictly prohibited, the UN permitted Iraq to develop and possess delivery
systems provided their range did not exceed 150 km. This freedom allowed Iraq to keep its scientists and technicians
employed and to keep its infrastructure and manufacturing base largely intact by pursuing programs
nominally in compliance with the UN limitations. This positioned Iraq for a potential breakout capability.
¥ Between 1991 and 1998, Iraq had declared development programs underway for liquid- and solid-propellant
ballistic missiles and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs).
IraqÕs decisions in 1996 to accept the Oil-For-Food program (OFF) and later in 1998 to cease cooperation
with UNSCOM and IAEA spurred a period of increased activity in delivery systems development. The
Delivery Systems

2
pace of ongoing missile programs accelerated, and the Regime authorized its scientists to design missiles with
ranges in excess of 150 km that, if developed, would have been clear violations of UNSCR 687.
¥ By 2002, Iraq had provided the liquid-propellant Al Samud IIÑa program started in 2001Ñand the solidpropellant
Al FatÕh to the military and was pursuing a series of new small UAV systems.
¥ ISG uncovered Iraqi plans or designs for three long-range ballistic missiles with ranges from 400 to 1,000
km and for a 1,000-km-range cruise missile, although none of these systems progressed to production and
only one reportedly passed the design phase. ISG assesses that these plans demonstrate SaddamÕs continuing
desireÑup to the beginning of Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF)Ñfor a long-range delivery capability.
Procurements supporting delivery system programs expanded after the 1998 departure of the UN inspectors.
Iraq also hired outside expertise to assist its development programs.
¥ ISG uncovered evidence that technicians and engineers from Russia reviewed the designs and assisted development
of the Al Samud II during its rapid evolution. ISG also found that Iraq had entered into negotiations
with North Korean and Russian entities for more capable missile systems.
¥ According to contract information exploited by ISG, Iraq imported at least 380 SA-2/Volga liquid-propellant
engines from Poland and possibly Russia or Belarus. While Iraq claims these engines were for the Al Samud
II program, the numbers involved appear in excess of immediate requirements, suggesting they could have
supported the longer range missiles using clusters of SA-2 engines. Iraq also imported missile guidance and
control systems from entities in countries like Belarus, Russia and Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY).
(Note: FRY is currently known as Serbia and Montenegro but is referred to as FRY in this section.)
In late 2002 Iraq was under increasing pressure from the international community to allow UN inspectors
to return. Iraq in November accepted UNSCR 1441 and invited inspectors back into the country. In December
Iraq presented to the UN its Currently Accurate, Full, and Complete Declaration (CAFCD) in response to
UNSCR 1441.
¥ While the CAFCD was judged to be incomplete and a rehash of old information, it did provide details on the
Al Samud II, Al FatÕh, new missile-related facilities, and new small UAV designs.
¥ In February 2003 the UN convened an expert panel to discuss the Al Samud II and Al FatÕh programs, which
resulted in the UNÕs decision to prohibit the Al Samud II and order its destruction. Missile destruction began
in early March but was incomplete when the inspectors were withdrawn later that month.
The CAFCD and United Nations Monitoring, Verifi cation, and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) inspections
provided a brief glimpse into what Iraq had accomplished in four years without an international presence
on the ground.
Given IraqÕs investments in technology and infrastructure improvements, an effective procurement network,
skilled scientists, and designs already on the books for longer range missiles, ISG assesses that Saddam
clearly intended to reconstitute long-range delivery systems and that the systems potentially were for WMD.
¥ Iraq built a new and larger liquid-rocket engine test stand capable, with some modifi cation, of supporting
engines or engine clusters larger than the single SA-2 engine used in the Al Samud II.
¥ Iraq built or refurbished solid-propellant facilities and equipment, including a large propellant mixer, an
aging oven, and a casting pit that could support large diameter motors.
¥ IraqÕs investing in studies into new propellants and manufacturing technologies demonstrated its desire for
more capable or effective delivery systems.

1
Nuclear
Key Findings
Iraq Survey Group (ISG) discovered further evidence of the maturity and signifi cance of the pre-1991
Iraqi Nuclear Program but found that IraqÕs ability to reconstitute a nuclear weapons program progressively
decayed after that date.
¥ Saddam Husayn ended the nuclear program in 1991 following the Gulf war. ISG found no evidence to suggest
concerted efforts to restart the program.
¥ Although Saddam clearly assigned a high value to the nuclear progress and talent that had been developed up
to the 1991 war, the program ended and the intellectual capital decayed in the succeeding years.
Nevertheless, after 1991, Saddam did express his intent to retain the intellectual capital developed
during the Iraqi Nuclear Program. Senior IraqisÑseveral of them from the RegimeÕs inner circleÑtold ISG
they assumed Saddam would restart a nuclear program once UN sanctions ended.
¥ Saddam indicated that he would develop the weapons necessary to counter any Iranian threat.
Initially, Saddam chose to conceal his nuclear program in its entirety, as he did with IraqÕs BW program.
Aggressive UN inspections after Desert Storm forced Saddam to admit the existence of the program
and destroy or surrender components of the program.
In the wake of Desert Storm, Iraq took steps to conceal key elements of its program and to preserve
what it could of the professional capabilities of its nuclear scientifi c community.
¥ Baghdad undertook a variety of measures to conceal key elements of its nuclear program from successive
UN inspectors, including specifi c direction by Saddam Husayn to hide and preserve documentation associated
with IraqÕs nuclear program.
¥ ISG, for example, uncovered two specifi c instances in which scientists involved in uranium enrichment kept
documents and technology. Although apparently acting on their own, they did so with the belief and anticipation
of resuming uranium enrichment efforts in the future.
¥ Starting around 1992, in a bid to retain the intellectual core of the former weapons program, Baghdad
transferred many nuclear scientists to related jobs in the Military Industrial Commission (MIC). The work
undertaken by these scientists at the MIC helped them maintain their weapons knowledge base.
As with other WMD areas, SaddamÕs ambitions in the nuclear area were secondary to his prime objective
of ending UN sanctions.
¥ Iraq, especially after the defection of Husayn Kamil in 1995, sought to persuade the IAEA that Iraq had met
the UNÕs disarmament requirements so sanctions would be lifted.
ISG found a limited number of post-1995 activities that would have aided the reconstitution of the
nuclear weapons program once sanctions were lifted.
¥ The activities of the Iraqi Atomic Energy Commission sustained some talent and limited research with potential
relevance to a reconstituted nuclear program.
Nuclear

2
¥ Specifi c projects, with signifi cant development, such as the efforts to build a rail gun and a copper vapor
laser could have been useful in a future effort to restart a nuclear weapons program, but ISG found no indications
of such purpose. As funding for the MIC and the IAEC increased after the introduction of the Oil-for-
Food program, there was some growth in programs that involved former nuclear weapons scientists and
engineers.
¥ The Regime prevented scientists from the former nuclear weapons program from leaving either their jobs or
Iraq. Moreover, in the late 1990s, personnel from both MIC and the IAEC received signifi cant pay raises in
a bid to retain them, and the Regime undertook new investments in university research in a bid to ensure that
Iraq retained technical knowledge.

1
Chemical
Key Findings
Saddam never abandoned his intentions to resume a CW effort when sanctions were lifted and conditions
were judged favorable:
¥ Saddam and many Iraqis regarded CW as a proven weapon against an enemyÕs superior numerical strength, a
weapon that had saved the nation at least once alreadyÑduring the Iran-Iraq warÑand contributed to deterring
the Coalition in 1991 from advancing to Baghdad.
While a small number of old, abandoned chemical munitions have been discovered, ISG judges that Iraq
unilaterally destroyed its undeclared chemical weapons stockpile in 1991. There are no credible indications
that Baghdad resumed production of chemical munitions thereafter, a policy ISG attributes to BaghdadÕs desire
to see sanctions lifted, or rendered ineffectual, or its fear of force against it should WMD be discovered.
¥ The scale of the Iraqi conventional munitions stockpile, among other factors, precluded an examination of
the entire stockpile; however, ISG inspected sites judged most likely associated with possible storage or
deployment of chemical weapons.
IraqÕs CW program was crippled by the Gulf war and the legitimate chemical industry, which suffered under
sanctions, only began to recover in the mid-1990s. Subsequent changes in the management of key military
and civilian organizations, followed by an infl ux of funding and resources, provided Iraq with the ability to
reinvigorate its industrial base.
¥ Poor policies and management in the early 1990s left the Military Industrial Commission (MIC) fi nancially
unsound and in a state of almost complete disarray.
¥ Saddam implemented a number of changes to the RegimeÕs organizational and programmatic structures after
the departure of Husayn Kamil.
¥ IraqÕs acceptance of the Oil-for-Food (OFF) program was the foundation of IraqÕs economic recovery and
sparked a fl ow of illicitly diverted funds that could be applied to projects for IraqÕs chemical industry.
The way Iraq organized its chemical industry after the mid-1990s allowed it to conserve the knowledge-base
needed to restart a CW program, conduct a modest amount of dual-use research, and partially recover from
the decline of its production capability caused by the effects of the Gulf war and UN-sponsored destruction
and sanctions. Iraq implemented a rigorous and formalized system of nationwide research and production
of chemicals, but ISG will not be able to resolve whether Iraq intended the system to underpin any CWrelated
efforts.
¥ The Regime employed a cadre of trained and experienced researchers, production managers, and weaponization
experts from the former CW program.
¥ Iraq began implementing a range of indigenous chemical production projects in 1995 and 1996. Many of
these projects, while not weapons-related, were designed to improve IraqÕs infrastructure, which would have
enhanced IraqÕs ability to produce CW agents if the scaled-up production processes were implemented.
¥ Iraq had an effective system for the procurement of items that Iraq was not allowed to acquire due to sanctions.
ISG found no evidence that this system was used to acquire precursor chemicals in bulk; however
documents indicate that dual-use laboratory equipment and chemicals were acquired through this system.
Chemical

2
Iraq constructed a number of new plants starting in the mid-1990s that enhanced its chemical infrastructure,
although its overall industry had not fully recovered from the effects of sanctions, and had not
regained pre-1991 technical sophistication or production capabilities prior to Operation Iraqi Freedom
(OIF).
¥ ISG did not discover chemical process or production units confi gured to produce key precursors or CW
agents. However, site visits and debriefs revealed that Iraq maintained its ability for reconfi guring and
Ômaking-doÕ with available equipment as substitutes for sanctioned items.
¥ ISG judges, based on available chemicals, infrastructure, and scientist debriefi ngs, that Iraq at OIF probably
had a capability to produce large quantities of sulfur mustard within three to six months.
¥ A former nerve agent expert indicated that Iraq retained the capability to produce nerve agent in signifi cant
quantities within two years, given the import of required phosphorous precursors. However, we have no
credible indications that Iraq acquired or attempted to acquire large quantities of these chemicals through its
existing procurement networks for sanctioned items.
In addition to new investment in its industry, Iraq was able to monitor the location and use of all existing dualuse
process equipment. This provided Iraq the ability to rapidly reallocate key equipment for proscribed activities,
if required by the Regime.
¥ One effect of UN monitoring was to implement a national level control system for important dual-use process
plants.
IraqÕs historical ability to implement simple solutions to weaponization challenges allowed Iraq to retain the
capability to weaponize CW agent when the need arose. Because of the risk of discovery and consequences
for ending UN sanctions, Iraq would have signifi cantly jeopardized its chances of having sanctions lifted or
no longer enforced if the UN or foreign entity had discovered that Iraq had undertaken any weaponization
activities.
¥ ISG has uncovered hardware at a few military depots, which suggests that Iraq may have prototyped experimental
CW rounds. The available evidence is insuffi cient to determine the nature of the effort or the timeframe
of activities.
¥ Iraq could indigenously produce a range of conventional munitions, throughout the 1990s, many of which
had previously been adapted for fi lling with CW agent. However, ISG has found ambiguous evidence of
weaponization activities.
SaddamÕs Leadership Defense Plan consisted of a tactical doctrine taught to all Iraqi offi cers and included
the concept of a Òred-lineÓ or last line of defense. However, ISG has no information that the plan ever
included a trigger for CW use.
¥ Despite reported high-level discussions about the use of chemical weapons in the defense of Iraq, information
acquired after OIF does not confi rm the inclusion of CW in IraqÕs tactical planning for OIF. We believe
these were mostly theoretical discussions and do not imply the existence of undiscovered CW munitions.
Discussions concerning WMD, particularly leading up to OIF, would have been highly compartmentalized
within the Regime. ISG found no credible evidence that any fi eld elements knew about plans for CW use
during Operation Iraqi Freedom.

3
Chemical
¥ UdayÑhead of the Fedayeen SaddamÑattempted to obtain chemical weapons for use during OIF, according
to reporting, but ISG found no evidence that Iraq ever came into possession of any CW weapons.
ISG uncovered information that the Iraqi Intelligence Service (IIS) maintained throughout 1991 to 2003
a set of undeclared covert laboratories to research and test various chemicals and poisons, primarily for
intelligence operations. The network of laboratories could have provided an ideal, compartmented platform
from which to continue CW agent R&D or small-scale production efforts, but we have no indications this was
planned. (See Annex A.)
¥ ISG has no evidence that IIS Directorate of Criminology (M16) scientists were producing CW or BW agents
in these laboratories. However, sources indicate that M16 was planning to produce several CW agents
including sulfur mustard, nitrogen mustard, and Sarin.
¥ Exploitations of IIS laboratories, safe houses, and disposal sites revealed no evidence of CW-related research
or production, however many of these sites were either sanitized by the Regime or looted prior to OIF. Interviews
with key IIS offi cials within and outside of M16 yielded very little information about the IISÕ activities
in this area.
¥ The existence, function, and purpose of the laboratories were never declared to the UN.
¥ The IIS program included the use of human subjects for testing purposes.
ISG investigated a series of key pre-OIF indicators involving the possible movement and storage of chemical
weapons, focusing on 11 major depots assessed to have possible links to CW. A review of documents,
interviews, available reporting, and site exploitations revealed alternate, plausible explanations for activities
noted prior to OIF which, at the time, were believed to be CW-related.
¥ ISG investigated pre-OIF activities at Musayyib Ammunition Storage DepotÑthe storage site that was
judged to have the strongest link to CW. An extensive investigation of the facility revealed that there was no
CW activity, unlike previously assessed.


1
Biological
Key Findings
The Biological Warfare (BW) program was born of the Iraqi Intelligence Service (IIS) and this service
retained its connections with the program either directly or indirectly throughout its existence.
¥ The IIS provided the BW program with security and participated in biological research, probably for its own
purposes, from the beginning of IraqÕs BW effort in the early 1970s until the fi nal days of Saddam HusaynÕs
Regime.
In 1991, Saddam Husayn regarded BW as an integral element of his arsenal of WMD weapons, and would
have used it if the need arose.
¥ At a meeting of the Iraqi leadership immediately prior to the Gulf war in 1991, Saddam Husayn personally
authorized the use of BW weapons against Israel, Saudi Arabia and US forces. Although the exact nature of
the circumstances that would trigger use was not spelled out, they would appear to be a threat to the leadership
itself or the US resorting to Òunconventional harmful types of weapons.Ó
¥ Saddam envisaged all-out use. For example, all Israeli cities were to be struck and all the BW weapons at his
disposal were to be used. Saddam specifi ed that the Òmany yearsÓ agents, presumably anthrax spores, were
to be employed against his foes.
ISG judges that IraqÕs actions between 1991 and 1996 demonstrate that the state intended to preserve its
BW capability and return to a steady, methodical progress toward a mature BW program when and if the
opportunity arose.
¥ ISG assesses that in 1991, Iraq clung to the objective of gaining war-winning weapons with the strategic
intention of achieving the ability to project its power over much of the Middle East and beyond. Biological
weapons were part of that plan. With an eye to the future and aiming to preserve some measure of its
BW capability, Baghdad in the years immediately after Desert Storm sought to save what it could of its BW
infrastructure and covertly continue BW research, hide evidence of that and earlier efforts, and dispose of its
existing weapons stocks.
¥ From 1992 to 1994, Iraq greatly expanded the capability of its Al Hakam facility. Indigenously produced 5
cubic meter fermentors were installed, electrical and water utilities were expanded, and massive new construction
to house its desired 50 cubic meter fermentors were completed.
¥ With the economy at rock bottom in late 1995, ISG judges that Baghdad abandoned its existing BW program
in the belief that it constituted a potential embarrassment, whose discovery would undercut BaghdadÕs ability
to reach its overarching goal of obtaining relief from UN sanctions.
In practical terms, with the destruction of the Al Hakam facility, Iraq abandoned its ambition to obtain
advanced BW weapons quickly. ISG found no direct evidence that Iraq, after 1996, had plans for a new BW
program or was conducting BW-specifi c work for military purposes. Indeed, from the mid-1990s, despite
evidence of continuing interest in nuclear and chemical weapons, there appears to be a complete absence of
discussion or even interest in BW at the Presidential level.
Iraq would have faced great diffi culty in re-establishing an effective BW agent production capability. Nevertheless,
after 1996 Iraq still had a signifi cant dual-use capabilityÑsome declaredÑreadily useful for BW
if the Regime chose to use it to pursue a BW program. Moreover, Iraq still possessed its most important BW
asset, the scientifi c know-how of its BW cadre.
¥ Any attempt to create a new BW program after 1996 would have encountered a range of major hurdles.
The years following Desert Storm wrought a steady degradation of IraqÕs industrial base: new equipment
and spare parts for existing machinery became diffi cult and expensive to obtain, standards of maintenance
Biological

2
declined, staff could not receive training abroad, and foreign technical assistance was almost impossible to
get. Additionally, IraqÕs infrastructure and public utilities were crumbling. New large projects, particularly
if they required special foreign equipment and expertise, would attract international attention. UN monitoring
of dual-use facilities up to the end of 1998, made their use for clandestine purpose complicated and risk
laden.
Depending on its scale, Iraq could have re-established an elementary BW program within a few weeks to a
few months of a decision to do so, but ISG discovered no indications that the Regime was pursuing such a
course.
¥ In spite of the diffi culties noted above, a BW capability is technically the easiest WMD to attain. Although
equipment and facilities were destroyed under UN supervision in 1996, Iraq retained technical BW knowhow
through the scientists that were involved in the former program. ISG has also identifi ed civilian facilities
and equipment in Iraq that have dual-use application that could be used for the production of agent.
ISG judges that in 1991 and 1992, Iraq appears to have destroyed its undeclared stocks of BW weapons
and probably destroyed remaining holdings of bulk BW agent. However ISG lacks evidence to document
complete destruction. Iraq retained some BW-related seed stocks until their discovery after Operation Iraqi
Freedom (OIF).
¥ After the passage of UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 687 in April 1991, Iraqi leaders decided not
to declare the offensive BW program and in consequence ordered all evidence of the program erased. Iraq
declared that BW program personnel sanitized the facilities and destroyed the weapons and their contents.
¥ Iraq declared the possession of 157 aerial bombs and 25 missile warheads containing BW agent. ISG
assesses that the evidence for the original number of bombs is uncertain. ISG judges that Iraq clandestinely
destroyed at least 132 bombs and 25 missiles. ISG continued the efforts of the UN at the destruction site but
found no remnants of further weapons. This leaves the possibility that the fragments of up to 25 bombs may
remain undiscovered. Of these, any that escaped destruction would probably now only contain degraded
agent.
¥ ISG does not have a clear account of bulk agent destruction. Offi cial Iraqi sources and BW personnel, state
that Al Hakam staff destroyed stocks of bulk agent in mid 1991. However, the same personnel admit concealing
details of the movement and destruction of bulk BW agent in the fi rst half of 1991. Iraq continued to
present information known to be untrue to the UN up to OIF. Those involved did not reveal this until several
months after the confl ict.
¥ Dr. Rihab Rashid Taha Al ÔAzzawi, head of the bacterial program claims she retained BW seed stocks until
early 1992 when she destroyed them. ISG has not found a means of verifying this. Some seed stocks were
retained by another Iraqi offi cial until 2003 when they were recovered by ISG.
ISG is aware of BW-applicable research since 1996, but ISG judges it was not conducted in connection with
a BW program.
¥ ISG has uncovered no evidence of illicit research conducted into BW agents by universities or
research organizations.
¥ The work conducted on a biopesticide (Bacillus thuringiensis) at Al Hakam until 1995 would serve to maintain
the basic skills required by scientists to produce and dry anthrax spores (Bacillus anthracis) but ISG has
not discovered evidence suggesting this was the RegimeÕs intention. However in 1991, research and production
on biopesticide and single cell protein (SCP) was selected by Iraq to provide cover for Al HakamÕs role
in IraqÕs BW program. Similar work conducted at the Tuwaitha Agricultural and Biological Research Center
(TABRC) up to OIF also maintained skills that were applicable to BW, but again, ISG found no evidence to
suggest that this was the intention.

3
Biological
¥ Similarly, ISG found no information to indicate that the work carried out by TABRC into Single Cell Protein
(SCP) was a cover story for continuing research into the production of BW agents, such as C. botulinum and
B. anthracis, after the destruction of Al Hakam through to OIF.
¥ TABRC conducted research and development (R&D) programs to enable indigenous manufacture of bacterial
growth media. Although these media are suitable for the bulk production of BW agents, ISG has found
no evidence to indicate that their development and testing were specifi cally for this purpose.
¥ Although Iraq had the basic capability to work with variola major (smallpox), ISG found no evidence that it
retained any stocks of smallpox or actively conducted research into this agent for BW intentions.
The IIS had a series of laboratories that conducted biological work including research into BW agents for
assassination purposes until the mid-1990s. ISG has not been able to establish the scope and nature of the
work at these laboratories or determine whether any of the work was related to military development of BW
agent.
¥ The security services operated a series of laboratories in the Baghdad area. Iraq should have declared these
facilities and their equipment to the UN, but they did not. Neither the UN Special Commission (UNSCOM)
nor the UN Monitoring, Verifi cation, and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) were aware of their existence
or inspected them.
¥ Some of the laboratories possessed equipment capable of supporting research into BW agents for military
purposes, but ISG does not know whether this occurred although there is no evidence of it. The laboratories
were probably the successors of the Al Salman facility, located three kilometers south of Salman Pak, which
was destroyed in 1991, and they carried on many of the same activities, including forensic work.
¥ Under the aegis of the intelligence service, a secretive team developed assassination instruments using
poisons or toxins for the Iraqi state. A small group of scientists, doctors and technicians conducted secret
experiments on human beings, resulting in their deaths. The aim was probably the development of poisons,
including ricin and afl atoxin to eliminate or debilitate the RegimeÕs opponents. It appears that testing on
humans continued until the mid 1990s. There is no evidence to link these tests with the development of BW
agents for military use.
In spite of exhaustive investigation, ISG found no evidence that Iraq possessed, or was developing BW agent
production systems mounted on road vehicles or railway wagons.
¥ Prior to OIF there was information indicating Iraq had planned and built a breakout BW capability, in the
form of a set of mobile production units, capable of producing BW agent at short notice in suffi cient quantities
to weaponize. Although ISG has conducted a thorough investigation of every aspect of this information,
it has not found any equipment suitable for such a program, nor has ISG positively identifi ed any sites. No
documents have been uncovered. Interviews with individuals suspected of involvement have all proved
negative.
¥ ISG harbors severe doubts about the sourceÕs credibility in regards to the breakout program.
¥ ISG thoroughly examined two trailers captured in 2003, suspected of being mobile BW agent production
units, and investigated the associated evidence. ISG judges that its Iraqi makers almost certainly designed
and built the equipment exclusively for the generation of hydrogen. It is impractical to use the equipment
for the production and weaponization of BW agent. ISG judges that it cannot therefore be part of any BW
program.
_________________
"It is not a smear, if you please, if you point out the record of your opponent."
-Murray Chotiner-

[msindependent]

I have not bought web space to store pictures and bring them over here. So, I can't post this photo. Even though it is not WMD's, I think you should show your friend the photo at this link.

http://www.cnn.com/2003/WORLD/meast/03/26/sprj.irq.mural/index.html

[msindependent]

here is a wmd link that you can show

http://www.portal.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml;$sessionid$LC3M0JFDWOL1PQFIQMFSFFOAVCBQ0IV0?xml=/news/2003/02/28/wirq228.xml


http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,2763,922158,00.html

[Knighthawk]

A picture is worth a thousand words.


_________________
Regards,
Brian

Beware of the lollipop of mediocrity! Lick it once and you'll suck forever.

If guns kill people, then I can blame misspelled words on my pencil.

Knighthawk's Pictures!

[bullitt]

Iraq is not only about WMD

Its about:

1. Spreading Freedom to those who do not have it. Hussein was a brutal dictator and freeing his people is the LEAST we could do after encouraging his people to riot in 91 and then letting Hussein put them down. One of the reasons we are having a hard time there now is that some of the people in the South still do not trust us after we left them in 91. So we OWED this to them

See the movie Three Kings, it gives a good perspective on it, with the usual hollywood twists, but it does go over the main point that we abandoned them back in 1991. So this is partly about setting things right!

2. Where besides Israel is there a real and true democratic country in the middle east. Please dont tell me Pakistan is free, and I do not count Turkey as that country wants to be part of Europe. This is our chance folks to spread democratic ideals to a region that has never had them. Thats why the region is so against us. Their leaders know that if it works in Iraq their days are numbered.

What do you think the rest of the middle east peoples will do watching a free and prosperous Iraq right nearby? They will want the same thing!

3. The battle for hearts and minds begins and ends with Freedom, not some understanding of Islam. When they get a taste of freedom over the next few years everything will change. It wont be easy and it cant be easy but it has to be done. Once they have a real taste of freedom the people will fight to defend it, and over time they will fight to defend their freedom over some misguided vision of extreme islam. The more freeedom and prosperity they have in that region, the less power the clerics will have, and Iraq certainly has the potential resources.

Tell these things to your friend!

[Rdtf]

don't waste your time debating a liberal. They are never changing their minds, especially this late in the game. Make your point, walk away, (you will be proved correct shortly as it is all coming out) and then find someone that is an undecided voter and talk to them.

[jataylor11]

Lets make this simple for the intellectually challenged

Suppose I really, really wanted to bake a cake (WMD) but it wasn't permitted on my diet.

Now if I had flour, sugar, eggs, butter, water, oven, pans and a recipe and didn't care whether I kept my diet or not would you say I had a cake?

Not yet --- but I could have a cake in less than an hour

Saddam had all the ingredients and the intent.

[Ladder Yankee 33]

Saddam was the quintessential Weapon of Mass Destruction.

He had a death grip on Iraq. All resistance by the Iraqi people was futile.

Saddam killed hundred and thousands of Kurds, Iranians, Shiites, Sunnis.

Saddam placed a bounty on any Jew that the PA would kill. $25,000.00 each.

Mass Graves are still being discovered in Iraq. The latest one contained 300 bodies of women and children. Babies with bullet holes in the back of their heads.

The Weapon of Mass Destruction sits in a jail cell - having been caught in a rat-hole!

May he hang by the neck until he is dead. May be reap that which he has sown.

May he join his father, the Devil in HELL as quickly as possible.

May Arafat have the seat next to Mr. Saddam aka The WMD
_________________
"Win the Delta Come Hell or High Water!"
RivDiv11, RAS111, T-111-9, RM3 11/68-11/69

[noc]

This is the best thread I could find when we discussed this before:

http://www2.swiftvets.com/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?t=10881&postdays=0&postorder=asc&start=0

More Links

Here was one terroist camp discovered near Bagdad:

http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,84291,00.html

Here is information on Salman Pak:

http://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/world/iraq/salman_pak.htm

Not widely reported but evidence of WMD was also found at these sites:

http://osborn-scientific.com/PDF/Positive_test_for_terror_toxins_in_Iraq.htm

If they were able to hide entire planes, why would WMD be hard to hide:

Only the BBC covered this. (from RTDF)

http://www.truthorfiction.com/rumors/f/foxbat.htm

More clear evidence on Saddam's pre-war links to terrorism:

William Safire: Saddam's links to terror, on disc
http://www.iht.com/articles/129142.html

Deroy Murdock - Saddam's Terror Ties
http://www.nationalreview.com/murdock/murdock200310210934.asp

There is a ton that the MSM, and therefore much of the public, ignores.

Another article that went unnoticed in MSM (from RTDF again)

http://www.worldtribune.com/worldtribune/breaking_1.html


Need more?

[Digger]

Salute to tngator. All most on target. .Just try to compensate a bit more for windage. (the wind's from your left)
_________________
Hey swifty, I'm with you, Just watch you don't get "Kerry'd away in the propwash

Sgt. Maj. Seamus D.D. MacNemi R.M.C. Ret.

[Otis]

This is why we went to war. Just show your freind this:

From the president's State of the Union address:

"Before September 11th, many in the world believed that Saddam Hussein could be contained. But chemical agents, lethal viruses and shadowy terrorist networks are not easily contained. Imagine those 19 hijackers with other weapons and other plans—this time armed by Saddam Hussein. It would take one vial, one canister, one crate slipped into this country to bring a day of horror like none we have ever known. We will do everything in our power to make sure that day never comes.
Some have said we must not act until the threat is imminent. Since when have terrorists and tyrants announced their intentions, politely putting us on notice before they strike? If this threat is permitted to fully and suddenly emerge, all actions, all words, and all recriminations would come too late. Trusting in the sanity and restraint of Saddam Hussein is not a strategy, and it is not an option."

'Nuff said?
_________________
"It is not a smear, if you please, if you point out the record of your opponent."
-Murray Chotiner-

[ocsparky101]

There is no reason to try to convince those people. They need to look at the facts and they will not. The bottom line though is that your health is more important than theirs is and there is no reason for you to boost your blood preasure on a group of people that really do not have any interest what so ever in the truth. I would say though that if there is a group discussion going on then I would mention that they did find Sarin Gas in Iraq so their statement about not finding any WMDs is a total lie. They always come up with well that is not a stockpile. Your reply would be that you did not say a large stockpile you said no WMDs. They did find a small stockpile that someone forgot to grab on the way out of country.